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Monday, February 8, 2016

Dinesh Subasinghe in the USA

Dinesh Subasinghe is a man with a mission, of this I’m certain. He knows his stuff and has nurtured his innate sensibilities to near-perfection. Ordinarily this would leave room for complacency, but in Subasinghe’s case (thankfully) it’s merely provided reason to broaden horizon and quench thirst. He is eager as always, courteous, friendly, and down to earth. If he has much to talk about his career that’s because he’s sustained a career which no amount of words can do justice to.

I met him for the first time about three years back, with the first interview I conducted of an artiste. He was suave, he knew his stuff, and he seemed to appreciate all what he had done quietly, with assuredness. He laughed and smiled and coloured memory with anecdote, and recounted what he had gone through with intense passion. And last year, when I heard that he had gone to the United States to learn American folk music from a reputed violinist, fiddler, and teacher, I wasn’t the least bit amazed. Dinesh still has potential. He deserves opportunity, obviously. And he gets it, little by little.

To me, not surprisingly, this was news. I wanted coverage and I wanted to pursue the matter. We didn’t “meet”, but I asked him to tell me all about his visit to the USA. Over the phone. He obliged. He told me everything.

Dinesh had studied under A. R. Rahman in India. After that brief stint, he had savoured a thirst to visit the entire world, to absorb whatever music he could and take it back home. Along the way, he had nurtured relationships. Contacts. One thing led to the other, and in the end, he found himself in Turtle Bay, New York, learning about folk music and mastering the violin in a summer school under the tutelage of the famed violinist and proponent of folk music, Mark O’Connor. “He was and is a legend,” Dinesh describes him, adding that O’Connor had been a hero even during his childhood. “In 1998 I bought a cassette tape of his music. I researched on him well before I even dreamt of meeting him.”

There’s a thread that runs through Dinesh’s life. A motif. He’s had his heroes, those he admires from his field, and slowly, eventually, but surely, he has met up and learnt from them all. He admired Father Marcelline Jayakody, Premasiri Khemadasa, Stanley Peiris, L. Subramaniam, Latha Mangeshkar, and of course Rahman. Needless to say, he met them all. Same case with Mark O’Connor. But I’m getting a little too ahead of myself here.

O’Connor’s summer camps (which are conducted between May and August, across the country) had designated and reserved spots for talented students from several countries. Dinesh had been the only Sri Lankan to be selected at the time, though not the only Asian. Apparently about 80% of the camp had been inhabited by Americans (as is the case), but there had been Japanese students as well. Both Mark and his wife Maggie, along with the likes of Hillary Castle (violinist) and Joe Smart (guitarist), had taught them.

Not that the Camp’s all study and no play. Every evening, students have to deliver a series of recitals, something they can conjure up. Not surprisingly, Dinesh had opted for his favourite instrument, the “Ravanahatha”, alleged to have been played during (yes) King Ravana’s time. Of course there were assignments to do, lessons to catch up on, and aptitude tests to assess and measure performance. But these are incidental, as Dinesh implies, to what the Camp offered (and offers) as the “real deal”.

“Without assignments, you study at the Camp for about a week. I stayed there for 40 days, and planned to stay for much longer.” Dinesh regularly visits the USA. His schedule must be tiring, but he doesn’t show it. “The Summer Camp is over when you’ve got what they’re trying to impart to you, which is the O’Connor Method.” I ask him to elaborate on this, and he happily complies.

“Mark O’Connor has devised eight principles to master the violin: Listening, Practice, Progression, Exercise, Performance, Relevance, Creativity, and Expression. This method presupposes that music can be learnt and played according to the player’s interpretation, which to be honest is a novel approach to learning about the violin. In fact this has been prescribed in five books written by O’Connor. Once you read, understand, and imbibe what’s in them, you get a certificate as testimony to your skill.” He hopes (like us, I might add) that he will be able to complete this course by the next three years.

I am not musically inclined, and I believe Dinesh should be quoted in full to get the gist of what he’s saying in one go. Music is spontaneous, probably the most spontaneous of all art-forms, and from what I can gather, that’s what O’Connor is affirming in his method. Learning to master instrument and theory is all fine and well, but without creativity, music may well congeal into pedantry at the end. To be entertaining and not merely pedantic: THAT’S what Subasinghe has demonstrated, and what O’Connor has reminded him to demonstrate over and over again.

Dinesh talks about how he was received in the USA at this point, and (again) characteristically he dishes out gratitude with no reservation. He rattles off a list here: “The Sri Lankan community in Washington welcomed me with open arms. There were four musicians from here, who’re domiciled there, who were more than ready to help me out when I was giving a performance for our expats: Himaransi Ranasinghe, Ranjith Lokubalasooriya, Ajantha Peiris, and Kalpitha Palawatta.”

Apparently he had wound up collaborating with the Washington expat community over a music program at a Buddhist temple (he credits two names here, Maharagama Dhammasiri Thero and Saddhaloka Thero), and he had been helped financially in this regard as well. And of course, he remembers Athuraliye Rathana Thero, with quiet nostalgia. “He was there for me, he helped me out tremendously, and we keep in touch with each other. I am grateful.”

I mentioned at the beginning that Dinesh has an innate sensibility, a natural flair for observation and perception. He has a knack for grabbing the essence of any musical form and adapting it to suit his temperament. Like all creative artists, I must add. Which is why I’m not surprised when he tells me that he could play Scottish, Chinese, and American folk music almost effortlessly. “There’s music inside me,” he explains to me. I believe him.

As is usually the case with such men, he never hesitates to add to and elaborate on what he’s saying, always ready to source and provide reference points for whatever anecdote he recounts. From the looks of it, he has a long way to go. He has until now been credited for in over 60 tele-dramas and 10 films. His soundtrack for “Ho Gana Pokuna” was released at a modest but well attended ceremony last week, I’m told. His contribution to the Duwa Passion Play hasn’t gone unnoticed, and as for upcoming developments, Dinesh tells me that he’s collaborating with Mahesh Denipitiya, whom he regards with admiration.

What more can one ask, I wonder. “Plenty more!” he may reply. And he is correct. There’s more he’s trying to reach. I’m sure that he’ll achieve what he wants. And I’m sure that the entire country wishes that he will.

His journey hasn’t ended in Turtle Bay, hence. Not by a long shot.

Written for: The Island LIFESTYLE, February 7 2016

Sunday, February 7, 2016

‘Kala Pola 2016’: Stalls, faces, and smiles


There are people who can rant and rave about a painting at length, meditate on its intrinsic worth, and dwell on line, contour, perspective, and what-not. Some paintings are valued for originality, others for how well it reproduces an external reality. I can’t really say which is better – those who inject creativity or those who look at an abstraction or model and attempt to recreate. Not that there’s much of a difference between the two, of course.

This year’s “Kala Pola” (which opened on Sunday January 31 along Ananda Coomaraswamy Mawatha) was no different to the “Kala Pola” we’ve been seeing for the past two decades. Stalls, faces, and smiles: these are what I saw and what I savoured. There were paintings and there was sculpture, but what appealed to me was the way the whole event was structured: open-air, inclusive, and all-embracive. No tickets to be bought, no admission criteria to fulfill. You came, you went through, and if you liked it, you bought. Simple. Neat.

Tradition and modernity come together in ways too difficult to perceive immediately. They come and intermingle and then go out of notice in a flash. This probably explains why in painting, arguably more than in any other art-form, the sacred and the profane (can) easily cohabit, making up the very definition of art, in terms of observation and study. I’m not suggesting that this is what art is all about, but the conception that this function can only be fulfilled by the wealthy, the privileged, and by default the “educated”, is crass and unfair.

At least that’s what I noticed this time around. I saw painters dabbling in the traditional and the modern, defining and redefining what those two terms mean on their canvases. The fact that none of these artists are “highbrow”, the fact that they all are (in the truest sense) down to earth and easy-going, and the fact that they can explain what they paint with the easiest of terms, capture what’s been bugging me for so long: that in painting, there can be no distinction between what’s arty and what’s plebeian. Some of the works of these painters were pricey, but that was to be expected, and fair too, for they would have worked with sweat on their brows, transforming mind into matter, idea into reality.

I like abstractions, as much as I like what’s plain and in-your-face. Thankfully, “Kala Pola” has always abided by the principle that the two must coexist, that they cannot live apart. And so this year I came across frescoes, reproductions of Jathaka stories, images of Christ and Siddhartha Gautama, side-by-side with depictions of the inexplicable and contorted, the twisted and magical. I couldn’t explain some of the latter, and there’ll be those who’ll try to, but that’s not the function of the art-lover. Their function is to look and appreciate. And this year, when I observed onlookers, that’s what I saw them doing.

But then this begs a question. None of the artists I saw and admired was pretentious. They were not haughty. They had clearly drawn from their hearts. With instinct. And yet, with all that talent, and all that easy-going charm emblematic of Sri Lankan hospitality and friendliness, why is it that they’re relegated to the outskirts? There’s more fun and enjoyment to be derived from these men and women, far surpassing the pretentious nonsense that’s all too often paraded as “art”.

True, I admit these questions shouldn’t be asked. But they matter. They matter because (in the end), that’s what “Kala Pola” embodies. I have always believed that the true index of the progress of a culture lies in how well its patrons regard the utilitarians (those who consider art in terms of instinct). The organisers and patrons of “Kala Pola”, I believe, have done justice to this. For they have helped, willingly and with no strings attached, these artists to come up, to display talent, and to make their name known, at least for one day.

And for the past two decades, that’s what has sustained this show, which purports to reflect the “airs of Montmartre” (as Kumar de Silva puts it). I don’t know how many Bohemians exist in this little country of ours, but I’m sure that those who are Bohemian know what art is, and why, in the long run, it cannot be relegated to the backwaters, while constantly and consistently privileging the elite and pretentious. I’m not sure whether I’m a Bohemian, but I am sure that even among the most conventional of those who patronised “Kala Pola”, that aspect to their character came out. Remarkably.

We’re grateful to the organisers, not because they have recognised and affirmed the need to “give back”, but because they have lent space for canvas and sculpture, works authored by those who remain, whether the elite and the promoters of haute-couture like it or not, the true artists. The ones who’re driven by instinct. The ones who never ask for praise or comment. The ones, in other words, who will vindicate what art should really entail.

Written for: The Island LIFESTYLE, February 7 2016

Thursday, February 4, 2016

Reflections on an open history



History is coloured by ideology. Those who claim a division between fact and frill are rare. The truth then is that while we are grateful to those historians who went beyond a reductionist, anti-holistic view of their subject, they are in the condemned minority. Can't help. After all, no assessment of our history, particularly that which creeps up after independence, escapes ideology-colour. That's what has provided opportunity for commentators to either praise or condemn our historical records, disregarding the "commendable" in a particular epoch and marginalising the "imperfect" in another.

First and foremost therefore, this "record" of milestones and setbacks our leaders have achieved since 1948 is not meant to be packed with facts and figures. Inasmuch as history isn't objective and depends for its resolution on factors not always discernible to the compiler, it is hence true that if one is to talk about our post-independence history, one must factor in both material fact and ideological frill. By "frill" I don't mean predilection to any political ideology: I only mean the factors that gave birth to a particular period in time and whether they were absented later on.

When we talk about milestones, we are talking about contributions made to effect change in society. When we talk about change, we are referring to organic change or revolution. Suffice it to say that all history since 1948 has been a clash between these two modes of change, and for the most it has been revolution (whether quietly or violently effected) that has won. It's commendable and speaks well of our democratic practice, flawed though that practice has been in the past.

Here then is a compilation of our leaders, many of whom tried their best to be statesmen or stateswomen.

The Dominion Years

When I think of post-1948 history, I think of how the leaders of our independence struggle were victims of colonialism, who after forming the Ceylon National Congress, opted for constitutional change rather than mass agitation to win independence. This change of face has been documented by both sociologists and political propagandists, but I believe that a gradualist approach to independence was what salvaged our country in those first few years.

That is what D. S. Senanayake believed in as well. And in the end, the fact that it vindicated those initial few years is a testament to his vision.

Senanayake was no pedant. We remember his development drive. We remember the vision that went into it, buttressed by the knowledge he had of his subject (he had been Minister of Agriculture and Lands in the State Council, before independence). This drive could have come up at an exorbitant price of course, but back then, with pragmatic, middle way policies that filled the government coffers through exports of tea, rubber, and coconut and ensured budget surpluses, there were little problems.

He was also, I believe, an idealist. Even today, those who have an axe to grind with his successors have nothing but praise for the man.

He loved his people. He was aware that hard choices must be made. Perhaps this reflects the way he ran the government and maintained friendships abroad. The Left accused him of kowtowing to the West. But when the Netherlands asked whether they could use our airbase in their effort to attack freedom fighters in Indonesia, he refused to comply. A lesson in nonalignment, I believe.

As with all idealists though, he was stunted. His belief in the status quo and the continued separation of temple and state has been documented. Perhaps it's a sign of how potent the cracks beneath his idealism was after his premature death, when the Leftist opposition and later the government lost their base and had to concede ground to an upsurge in racial and linguistic nationalism, itself a product of independence.

The point where it all started was 1951, when his party faced several defections. The opposition, long shattered and divided on ideological lines, coalesced into a unified whole. That made use of what was felt to be Senanayake's biggest failure: to effect change quickly enough and accommodate the cultural revolt that was soon to spill over.

Dudley Senanayake's premiership signified two things. Firstly, like his father he too tried to maintain the economic and social status quo. Secondly (again, like his father) he maintained his government's religious neutrality. Both undermined him in 1953, when his finance minister J. R. Jayewardene tried to cut the rice subsidy. As the protests that followed highlighted, the Left was not powerless. On the contrary, its foray into parliamentary politicking empowered it even more, underscored by the Buddhist clergy who had taken to politics.

Sir John Kotelawala's premiership continued this. Between the years 1954 and 1956, attempts by Sir John to control the impending cultural revolt (at the time of the Buddhist Commission of Inquiry) and shift his country's nonaligned foreign policy to one tilting towards anticommunism led to his electoral downfall.

This doesn't mar his contributions, of course. From providing electricity to Sri Pada to inaugurating the Laxapana hydroelectricity scheme, providing buildings for the Peradeniya University, and constructing an airport at Ratmalana (all done as a Minister), he proved that he was no lotus-eater bereft of love for his country. He proved to be a man who refused to bend before the wind, who didn't want to accommodate structural changes in a government that was fast being rejected by the people.

There are essays and books that have been written on 1956. Martin Wickramasinghe, in his essay "The Fall of the Brahmin Class", paints it as historically inevitable. On a more nuanced level, Professor Kumari Jayawardena sees it as signalling the upliftment of the unprivileged, rural class. At the opposite pole, Regi Siriwardena has written that it provided false channels for that same class.

The author of what transpired that year was S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. Like D. S. Senanayake, he was an idealist. His program for national regeneration was hijacked by forces antithetical to its pluralist character. But this speaks more about those who contorted it than about the idealist who originally wanted to maintain its humanist character. Moreover, in terms of economic and social matters, there's no denying that he achieved what he wanted: if Dominion independence meant handing over defence matters to the British, then Bandaranaike reversed that trend by taking over our airbases and port. 

The people had a term for his government: "apey anduwa".

But if Bandaranaike was a revolutionary fired by liberal ideals, his widow took on his program with a more nationalistic streak. She handled two explosive issues - whether our schools should be taken over by the government and whether her husband's nationalisation program should be intensified - to the extent where she won more enemies than friends. We lost Western aid, but we got the other side of the Iron Curtain. She eased tensions between India and China, which added to her stateswoman-like qualities.

But for having antagonised the Catholic Church and having alienated the minority groups that controlled business interests in the country, she had to pay her price. The 1962 (failed) coup and the defection of several ministers from her government three years later ensured that price: defeat. It's a measure of how her program was supported and affirmed, however, that even after half a century much of her legacy has survived. The schools she took over are still run and financed by the government, for instance.

The cultural resurgence unleashed during these years, curiously, avoided the retrogressive character of the ethno-religious fervour that was to vent itself through chauvinism. It was in 1956 that Maname was staged and Rekava was screened, and it was in 1957 that Viragaya was written. As Regi Siriwardena has observed, these works of art were not consciously driven by 1956, but their impulses were concomitant with a period of cultural renaissance.

It's a testament to how strong this was that it remains virtually untouched, even after 1977. The brief return of the UNP in the years 1965 to 1970 (during which Ceylon enjoyed her best years in terms of economic growth) couldn't change it either. But a new class was growing: the idealists who had welcomed and had been birthed by 1956, who were now fast being disillusioned by poverty and unemployment.

Ceylon turns into Sri Lanka and "embraces" Democratic Socialism

After authoring our first Republican Constitution, Sirimavo Bandaranaike's second government reformed land ownership and commerce, imposing restriction in the name of promoting equality. In part this was due to the 1971 insurrection: with an alternative posed to the Old Left by the JVP and Rohana Wijeweera, the socialism-tag of the government was challenged. What happened next was inevitable: it sped up a process of nationalisation that inhibited commerce but promoted social equality, ameliorated at least partly by policies adopted by the then Finance Minister Dr N. M. Perera.

The cleavages attendant on the latter part of her regime, not surprisingly, proved to be too much. J. R. Jayewardene's victory in 1977, however, has been interpreted as a victory by capitalist rationality. No doubt this was owing to Jayewardene's desire to emulate the Singaporean model. But such a reading of 1977 is at variance with the political experience of the 1980s, and for good reason.

J. R. Jayewardene's economic program, which is by far his biggest legacy to the country, wasn't new. Not even to him. In 1966, for instance, he had invited B. R. Shenoy, the Indian libertarian economist, to author a policy document for Dudley Senanayake's government. By this act he had ignored Sri Lankan academics, no doubt due to his distrust with their leftist orientation. Furthermore, as far back as 1948 (as Finance Minister), he had said, "If the entire national income is distributed among the population, it would make beggars of us all".

Embracing capitalist rationality, as experience bears out, isn’t an end but a means to an end when it comes to political reform. Enforcing this rationality through economic liberalisation on the one hand and political centralisation to facilitate that liberalisation on the other, therefore, couldn’t last. Not for long. That is what marred Jayewardene's regime in its later years.

He gave his share: the 1977 Constitution paid deference to multiculturalism by making Tamil and Sinhala official languages, according parity to both, in later years. The Parliament was built in his day. The various social welfare projects he inaugurated tried to keep politics out of the business of promoting social parity, precisely the problem that had dogged his predecessor. This was an era of “democratic socialism”, when capitalism was made king without ignoring the welfarist character of the state.

But notwithstanding this, few would bet that the euphoria which greeted Jayewardene in 1977 remained when he left office in 1988, when the UNP changed its economic outlook from neo-liberalism to populist conservatism under Ranasinghe Premadasa.

The irony is that, even despite his populist outlook, not even Premadasa was able to undo this rift between economic liberalisation and political autocracy. But he is probably remembered more than any president until that point, purely by the poverty alleviation programs his government authored (of which “Janasaviya” was one). As a political commentator put it,

"High growth, high foreign investment, high efficiency, reduced unemployment, reduced inflation, rapid rural industrialisation, poverty reduction, transfer of real incomes to the poorest households, reduced income inequality, net inflow of capital. In short, Sri Lanka achieved the impossible: growth with equity; re-asserted and restored national sovereignty, and violence-free elections."

Whether or not this could have been sustained in the long term is a question history is yet to answer, because Premadasa was killed prematurely. But by that point his legacy in other respects was sealed, in terms of the second insurrection by the JVP, and eroding peace talks with the LTTE.

The return of the SLFP

Chandrika Kumaratunga was by all accounts the first ideological reformer of her father's party. I say this because her association with the Old Left of the 1980s and Vijaya Kumaratunga led to two volte-faces in the SLFP. Firstly, it oriented itself with an antiwar, pro-peace movement led by civil society and sections of the government. Secondly, it began embracing moves towards devolution and hence affirming the 13th Amendment, concepts introduced to the country during Jayewardene's tenure.

It is Kumaratunga's biggest legacy that despite brief defeat, her pluralistic ideology survived two terms by Mahinda Rajapaksa and its nationalist-thrusts. Much like how the UNP witnessed a restoration to the traditional elite after Premadasa's assassination, the SLFP, after the defeat of Rajapaksa, saw a similar political recapitulation on the part of those who were chosen to head it.

I have written before that Mahinda Rajapaksa was a popular leader who rationalised a virtual dictatorship in terms of that popularity and remained, for the most, an outsider to colleague and foe. I have also written that after his defeat, the restoration of party principles to what they were before his victory in 2005 meant one thing: that his charismatic variant of nationalism (his biggest contribution to our political landscape) could survive only as a faction within the party.

Mahinda Rajapaksa proved that (to paraphrase what his detractors frequently say) “the war could be won”. He also initiated probably the most ambitious development drive we witnessed since D. S. Senanayake’s tenure (in terms of their scope, that is), extending not just to bridges and schemes but roads as well. What he failed to understand was that winning a war was winning half the battle: the other half involved winning the peace (which material development could never achieve completely). I think Kumaratunga put it best: "winning the war is not establishing peace".

Hence, whether or not the (un)popular image of him survives a fresh assessment of his legacy is a question that history is yet to answer. True, he could have done more to ease tensions between communities, particularly with regard to Tamils and Muslims. That he didn't and that this contributed partly to his defeat, we know. But history is open. Mahinda Rajapaksa is still politically alive. There's more we can expect.

These compilations are not exhaustive. They are reflections and don't pretend to be anything else. But some points can be gleaned from them. The shifts and turns of power we have seen since 1948 have run parallel with exogenous forces. 1956 was a milestone, but it could not have materialised in its entirety had the British not introduced universal suffrage to our people decades earlier. 1977 was a milestone too, but it couldn't have materialised without the dissatisfaction that those who “grew up” with 1956 felt at the state's continuing, overbearing character.

The return of the SLFP in 1994 did not mean a return to Bandaranike's principles: the milestone there was a result of the political experience of the latter half of the 1980s, when the Old Left-assembled United Socialist Alliance (of which Vijaya Kumaratunga was leader) was championing pluralism and devolution, the likes of which hadn't been affirmed by either mainstream party before.

Decades later (in 2005) Professor H. L. Seneviratne wrote of a rift between "arthika" (policy) and "jathika" (nationalism) in that year's election: an unsustainable, reductionist simplification, because after merely two terms by Mahinda Rajapaksa we saw a peaceful and quick transition to what characterised the political landscape before him: a purported return to "arthika", that is.

History, Regi Siriwardena once wrote, is open. Perusing it through an article or two does scant justice to its vibrant character. The ideology-shifts that have attended not just parties but factions within parties here have, for the most, highlighted milestones in the country which commentators who are fixated on ideology have either discounted or ballooned beyond proportion. It’s best to steer out of either extreme. Otherwise, one ends up with an enthusiasm for political colour which can make the historian selective.

What we need isn't that. What we need is sobriety.

Uditha Devapriya is a freelance writer who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

Written for: Daily News, January 8 2016 (in a special supplement commemorating the first anniversary of President Maithripala Sirisena's election)

Wednesday, February 3, 2016

Dharmasiri Bandaranayake: From Stage to Screen

Courage is something is to be found in plenty among filmmakers. It’s manifested in different ways, of course, and one director may express his courage in a completely different way to another. The same thing can be said of the theatre and of playwrights. While it is true that many actors in Sri Lankan emerged from the stage, not many filmmakers have successfully made the transition from theatre to film. We remember the few that have for their daring and courageous stance on various political issues.

It is however a measure of their genius and diversity that they do not make films the same way they stage their plays. After all, films are an entirely different world, and to project one’s personal vision and/or political message in the cinema as one would onstage would defeat any purpose. From those who have not fallen into this pit, Dharmasiri Bandaranayake is one name you cannot forget.

He was born in 1949 and was educated at Vidyarathna College in Horana. At the time there had been a flourishing theatre culture in schools across Sri Lanka, and Bandaranayake had come under the influence of some of the finest teachers. He says that he started to act plays while at school, and Hemasiri Liyanage was one of the “figures of destiny” who fired off his imagination while taking part in them. This was during the 1960s, a time when a “political theatre” as such was beginning to flower, prophetically I should say, given the outburst of social and political angst in the following decade.
                                                                                                                 
Bandaranayake was a teenager when he first “encountered” the cinema. This was through Dayananda Gunawardena’s Bakmaha Deege. He had apparently met Gunawardena (a renowned playwright in his own right) through his stints at the theatre some time before. Bakmaha Deege had been an eye-opener to young Bandaranayake, who had until that point got involved purely with the theatre. “I was only 17 at that time,” he remembers, “Films didn’t appeal to me that much. It was a chance encounter with Gunawardena which actually got me into his film. Overnight, however, I became popular and well known.” As Premadasa, the servant in the Mudliyar’s house in the story, he had his turn at playing a comic part.

He remembers how curious he was at the time of shooting that film. While he admits, to my surprise I should say, that he wasn’t too enamoured of acting, he tells me that he struck up a relationship with the film’s cinematographer, Willie Blake, and got involved with the camera unit. He adds moreover that what really interested him was the technical part of the film.

He also admits to have been taken in by the “theatrical” side to its story. “Gunawardena kept an admirable balance between theatre and cinema in Bakmaha Deege,” he says, “There are over 15 songs in the story, all following a semi-operatic style. In fact the entire film was an adaptation of an Italian opera, The Marriage of Figaro, and Gunawardena shrewdly kept the theatrical side to the story intact when translating it.” I told him that Gunawardena’s adaptation came off so well that it was difficult to actually say it was an adaptation, and Bandaranayake agrees by claiming that he was peerless in his profession.

Unfortunately or fortunately (I never can tell what), his film career would be disturbed for quite some time after this. He would display his talent at the stage during the 1970s, an era of political rebellion and insurrection. As with the cinema, it would be through Gunawardena again that he would get involved with the theatre, starting with his Jasaya saha Lenchina and Denna Depole. The 1960s however had been the age of stylisation in the theatre, notwithstanding the attempts made by the likes of Sugathapala de Silva to change it. It was through playwrights of the calibre of Bandaranayake and Hemasiri Liyanage, however, that stylisation would be almost completely done away with.

Sri Lanka is no stranger to protest plays, but it is to Bandaranayake that my generation owes its understanding of the political theatre. I am most certainly not in a position to assess them all as a critic would. Let me just say here therefore that his plays are seen and “read” by both young and old, and they are timeless in that they touch on the most typical consequence of politics and power: corruption. Bandaranayake has thematised this in ways probably no other political playwright can match or hope to surpass.

This is probably true with those other parts he got to play, such as that of the slain Archbishop in Bandula Vithanage’s adaptation of Jean Anouilh’s Becket. The entire theatre culture in Sri Lanka, according to Bandaranayake, changed after 1971. “I had completed my A/Levels the previous year,” he tells me, “and my generation was witness to the insurrection. Almost overnight, nearly every notion of theatre changed.” No doubt this was what prompted him to move on with a spate of plays which established him as the foremost exponent of “political theatre”.

In the meantime, his interest in the cinema did not completely go away. The 1970s was also a time of social revolt in continental Europe, and a new cinema culture had formed there. Bandaranayake admits that while he wasn’t a huge follower of this trend, his ideas of filmmaking were formed by watching several New Wave films, in particular from Poland (Andrzej Munk’s Passenger is one film he remembers clearly).

It was at this point that Vasantha Obeyesekere offered him his second film role in Palagetiyo. His performance in that film was a world away from that in Bakmaha Deege. As Sarath, he practically exemplified the plight of millions of rural youth who migrated to the city in search of jobs. Sarath isn’t ambitious, but has risen through the ranks and has become manager of a printing press, owned by a wealthy mudalali (Henry Jayasena), whose daughter (Dammi Fonseka) falls in love with him. It is the clash of personal feeling and class relations which makes up the theme of the story, which congeals into the conflict of desire and guilt in Sarath after he elopes with her to his village. “I was around 25 when I acted in that film,” he tells me, “I toyed with the idea of writing my own script owing to it.”

Any essay on Bandaranayake would be incomplete without a discussion of Hansa Vilak, which he made in 1980. Like Palagetiyo, Hansa Vilak depicts a clash of personal feeling with social realities. Unlike it, Bandaranayake’s debut deals, not with the realities of class hierarchies, but with the realities of a society that has embraced the institution of marriage.

His story, if one watches it closely, doesn’t really absolve any character, not even the “protagonist” Nissanka (played by Bandaranayake himself), whose affair with Miranda (played by probably the only actress who could have done justice to the role, Swarna Mallawarachchi) ends up ruining two families, hers and his. Nissanka’s moment of triumph at the court (where a case is filed against him) sours when he begins to understand just how institutionalised marriage has become. Soon enough, disillusionment settles in his affair with Miranda, and he tries to reconcile with his former wife (Vasanthi Chathurani), whose brother (G. W. Surendra, in one of his most memorable roles) is hell-bent against him.

As I wrote before, that Bandaranayake is the “Everyman” or protagonist of the story doesn’t really absolve him. If at all, we share his plight while accepting that he is flawed. He lets personal feeling ride over his duty to his family, which is almost an act of hubris that backfires on him in perhaps the most confusing (not confused) ending in a Sinhala film. I put to him that the final sequence in his film blurred the line between fantasy and reality, adding that the background music (by Premasiri Khemadasa) served to blur it even further.

He agrees with me on this. “I remember Henry Jayasena telling me that my film was very much like a Bergman film. But I got to know his films through Henry only after making Hansa Vilak.” It is true that Bandaranayake’s debut has a near-Expressionistic feel which makes it comparable to one of Bergman’s more obscurantist stories (like Persona). It is also true that the blurring between fantasy and reality also bears close affinities to that director’s vision. While comparing the one to the other in this case would be a little too crass, it is true that a line can be drawn from one to the other, at SOME point at least.

While Hansa Vilak won unqualified praise from local critics (Regi Siriwardena, for instance, called it a “permanent landmark”), it also won accolades abroad, including a Special Diploma at the Mannheim Film Festival. No mean feat, considering that Bandaranayake had to juggle three roles (director, actor, and scriptwriter) in that film. He also tells me that it was a success at the box-office owing to its low production cost. “We spent around two lakhs (200,000 rupees) on it. It earned about 21 lakhs.” He adds moreover that the nominal price of a ticket back then was about 1.10 or 3.50 rupees, which meant that the audience size was quite big.

This is obviously in stark contrast with the size of audiences who flock to cinemas today: while ticket prices have increased and guarantee profits for producers and directors, those who patronise film halls have reduced in number. That a film like Hansa Vilak was able to reach more audiences than a blockbuster would today speaks much of the director’s talent as well as the film culture which existed back then. “Everything changed after 1983,” he tells me, “Film halls closed down, and overnight the North was shut out from the rest of the country. We lost a vibrant film loving population because of this.” Television too would have affected this, but the point is that the collective love for films by our people was quashed by the riots of 1983.

Looking at his other films, it’s obvious that they are bound together by a strong commitment to lesser heard of but rampant social issues. Thunveni Yamaya, probably his most undervalued film (it didn’t earn a profit for him), revolves around a man’s inability to consummate his marriage due to a traumatic childhood, while in Suddilage Kathawa, which is my personal favourite, he represents the plight of its heroine (Swarna Mallawarachchi) in such a way that we feel nothing but sympathy for her, especially towards the end when the husband she had been longing and waiting for misunderstands and kills her.

There are those who thought this film is inferior to his other work. This is usually owing to how they feel the protagonist Suddhi is treated by him: as sexual object in her village. However, this merely serves to increase our sympathy for her. In a predominantly male society, women suffer, and as Bandaranayake points out in his film, they suffer even more when they rebel and try to cut into the predatory instincts of that same society. Perhaps this was what those who were critical of his film missed (writers after all cannot be expected to read into every little meaning a film offers). Still, I feel that in its glorification of the woman as a sexual object, Bandaranayake almost makes a melodrama out of Suddhi’s story.

In Bawa Duka and Bawa Karma, Bandaranayake presents to us a saga of the changing face of Sri Lankan society. Through the story of Peduru (Jackson Anthony) he encapsulates the entire colonial era and how it changed society, especially through the agency of missionaries. Any faithful follower of the cinema would value honesty of treatment and subject-matter in a film of this sort, which is where Bandaranayake really succeeds. Like Hansa Vilak, here too there is no completely innocent and blame-free character. Instead, the director traces the uprooting of culture to the inertia of those who became complacent with the regressive elements of tradition.

He makes us understand that missionary activity was just one way by which colonialists made use of those regressive elements to alter and disrupt our way of life, exemplified in that sequence where a Catholic missionary encourages the villagers to convert, by claiming that his religion is free from the sort of class and caste structures prevalent in Sinhala Buddhist villages then. The director’s message, then, is that the uprooting of tradition was partly our fault: we have only ourselves to blame for the “duka” and “karma” which persist us from one “bawaya” to another.

Dharmasiri Bandaranayake’s films cannot be judged that easily. It is true that sexuality forms up the essence of them all, from Hansa Vilak onwards. Having directed just five films however (hardly a noticeable filmography, you would say), I feel that his vision hasn’t truly been felt by us.

I hence ask him why he hasn’t been making more films, and he admits that unless and until he gets in the “mood” for translating a story into celluloid, he can’t direct. “Recently I was asked by a bunch of people to remake Suddhilage Kathawa,” he tells me, “That’s ridiculous. I can’t think of the film without imagining Swarna as Suddhi, Cyril Wickramage as Romial, and Joe Abeywickrama as the headman. I told them to go look for another director to work with, because when you’ve made a film and you try to remake it, the original still stays fresh in your memory. That’s always a problem.”

He also tells me that the culture of films and filmmaking has changed, and not always for the better, today. “Most young directors today don’t finance their films. More often than not, foreign agencies give their lion’s share to them. This impedes on the director at times, and makes him think that he doesn’t have to reach his audience with what he is depicting. In other words he misses the audience he should be aiming at.” That’s true. While it is evident that most foreign (and even non-foreign) agencies try to shove their at times pernicious ideologies into films, it’s also evident that much of what goes for “good” and “parallel” cinema today eludes the local viewer.

I tell Bandaranayake that while these films are catered more to intellect than to emotion, the audience who misses them instead patronise the big-screen epics which can hardly be called “films”. He replies by cautioning that this is too crass a generalisation, because audiences are beginning to shun them too. “They aren’t very successful, not even in terms of box-office receipts,” he says. This is hardly a consolation for the film lover in this country, however, and while this trend continues, he will be neglected in a country which once boasted of a vibrant cinema culture. Still, it does point at the fact that big-screen doesn’t always translate to box-office hits, and that audiences do get tired of having their intelligence insulted by such films.

Dharmasiri Bandaranayake has experimented, in both theatre and films. And it’s not too difficult to find out where his real roots are to be found. There are some critics who have found traces of the theatre in some of his films, particularly Hansa Vilak and Thunveni Yamaya. It is of course dangerous to incorporate theatrical tendencies into films, but happily for Bandaranayake, they haven’t compromised on his reputation (not that much, anyway) as perhaps the most courageous filmmaker in our country. That’s saying a lot, considering the number of films he has made. Other filmmakers have made much, much more, after all, and none of them has really reached Bandaranayake’s standard. One can only hope that he comes back to the cinema soon, to give us a taste of how far he has progressed and matured.

Written for: Daily News TOWN AND COUNTRY, January 27 and February 3 2016

Monday, February 1, 2016

The lonely artist who gave

There are those who have written on the man and his films, who have gone great lengths in convincing the world to turn its critical eye on him. There are others who, while not exactly as well versed in his craft as he is, love and continue to venerate him, because he remains lovable for reasons obvious to all. Like all great artists, as Regi Siriwardena once wrote, Lester James Peries created the standard by which he was and continues to be judged. And adored. He remains an "icon", truly and honestly.

He was (at one point) regarded as a lonely artist, who tried to break into his country’s cultural firmament, and that by capturing the subtlest nuances of feeling and emotion, registered in our people but rarely, if at all, caught by others. True, he wasn’t really an “other”. But owing to the circumstances he was born to, and the childhood he went through, he was almost an “outsider”. Because of this, he tried (as no other artist in this country did) to endear himself to his people. In the end, he succeeded. In the end, we loved him back. And in the end, he was lonely no more.

Lester will turn 97 this year. There are others younger than him, who’ve made more films over a fraction of the time it took for him to make his. That’s a tragedy at one level, but a blessing at another. For the films he made, though intermittent and long in coming, were awaited and watched eagerly. Yes, he directed only 20 films. But Robert Bresson made 13, and he remains loved in France even today.
                                                                                                 
Rekava was a leap of faith. But like all leaps of faiths, it wasn’t vindicated at once. Sandeshaya was a hit, but that wasn’t really Lester. Gamperaliya, Delovak Athara, and Ran Salu weren’t hits, but they recouped at the box-office. And then he made Golu Hadawatha, and won an entire nation to his side.

Yes, it took time. But that’s how icons operate. They are patient. They are never in a hurry.

Some called him apolitical. Some went further and called him anti-political. The inevitable extrapolation was made, and during the 1970s, people began accusing him of being an elitist. They pointed at the stories he went for, the fact that he selected the family as his base, and argued that at a time when the family unit was shattered and broken apart, he remained obstinate and “bourgeois”.

To an extent, I agree with them. There was a lull after Nidhanaya, which he couldn’t avert. When he returned to his favourite storyline (the Koggala trilogy) and made Kaliyugaya, we were hence eager. For he selected a story where, more than in his other work, the family as a unit was being assailed. “A new leaf and chapter,” we thought of it.

What came up was different, of course. Kaliyugaya the film was about a family that gets diluted, true. But Lester seemed adamant that even in this process of getting diluted, those age-old bonds remained. Even in Yuganthaya and Awaragira, where, more than even Kaliyugaya, he played around with the broken family trope, he was cautious. Just as well, I suppose.

For even in the most strained of circumstances, we as a nation and community endear ourselves to one another. I talked about a lull after Nidhanaya, and I still stand by this. But not for the reasons those who accused him of being “elitist” would want you to believe. No, not because Lester stayed with the family, and the family remained essentially unruffled. Like the best artists, he didn’t manipulate reality and portray an alienated community. He went for a community that survived, even in the unkindest circumstances.

But after Nidhanaya, with Desa Nisa, Baddegama, Awaragira, and Wekanda Walauwwa, something kept him back, something which was missing. With Desa Nisa it was an ending that was too quick to arouse our sympathy. With Baddegama it was a script that (no matter what its defenders said) took the meaning of “adaptation” a little too literally. With Awaragira it was a producer who cut and jumbled up Lester’s usual, smooth narrative-flow.

And with Wekanda Walauwwa, a film which won him praise in France and vitriol in New York, it was a story-line that had believable characters, good actors, and a moving resolution, but also a set of unconvincing plotlines that went somewhere and proved to be irrelevant. I still can’t imagine why Senaka Wijesinghe’s character had to spout so much political rhetoric, not because he was unconvincing, but because his place in the story proved so minimal, that it became out of place with the larger canvas of the script.

I know many will disagree with me and consider it to have been one of Lester’s greatest. I’m not so sure, but I won’t argue. To me, the biggest tribute we can make to him isn’t unconditional praise or criticism, but an honest account of the man’s work. That account remains a far-off reality though, not because people aren’t willing to come forward, but because they really don’t have the time.

I think we should find that time, at least now. Lester is still with us, and he has a phenomenal memory. He is also a living monument, for a good reason. After all, he is the last from those who lived through and added to “1956”, the last of those who, in the pursuit of an identity that could demarcate us well, brought about a synthesis of tradition and modernity.

And as the only living artist from “1956”, whose works bridged the gap between an anglicised past and a country in search of roots, he is alive. He always will be, I suspect. So much so that every time we watch a film of his, live through the experience stamped on it, and realise that notwithstanding his self-imposed ideological parameters he has gone beyond anyone else in filming our sorrows and joys, we will remember that. And be emboldened.

Written for: The Island LIFESTYLE, January 31 2016